This is an English version of my paper, which was presented on 6 November(11Azar) in the Seminar on Economic Histroy of Iran. (I have presented that in Farsi which is slightly different.
Abstract

The central aim of this paper is to study how the interviews with people, particularly of dominant strata concerning their role in the political and economic history, assist to create a unique oral archive and a significant source for preparing biographies. For this reason the paper analyses the contents, products and methodologies of some Iranian oral histories projects which have created significant source to study their role in the political and economic history of Iran during the Pahlavi period (1940-1979). The paper reviews the process of these projects and their methodology. The paper argues that the collections of oral history are immensely significant in helping us to understand the key periods in global history during the last century. The paper likewise maintains that oral history projects are exceptionally timely, not only because of current changes in global history, but because the experiences of many of the people involved in political, social and economic activities should be collected and their recollections of those tumultuous years of their life should be recorded and made available to future generations of scholars in various formats. Finally, the paper investigates how creating an archive of interviews with elites in forms of oral history concerning their role in the political, social and economic history of Iran during the Pahlavi period, affects the preparing of biographies and on the self-reflexivity of individuals and structuration of society

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The Revolution of 1979 and the advent of oral histories projects

The Iranian Revolution of 1979 overthrew the Pahlavi regime and ruling strata. This led to immigration of hundreds of former Iranian members of dominant class. Their existence in the west provided a unique and exciting opportunity to create a resource for study of the internal workings of their relationship with the Pahlavi regime. As in-depth study of the internal workings of Iran's former elite had been difficult, because of unavailability of primary sources and state control over the media and official data often contained lacunae and could be misleading, and the material available in Western diplomatic sources had its own inherent limitations, partly because it is not fully available, and partly because diplomats had no regular connection with the elite, the preparing of oral history archives seemed immensely significant in helping the scholars to understand one of the key periods in global history during the last century. Thus, since we had not enough sources, we could only reconstruct the past through oral histories told by the key decision makers. Moreover, this reconstruction was exceptionally timely, because many of the people involved in political, social and economic activities during that period were nearing the ends of their lives. It was crucial that their recollections of those tumultuous years were recorded and made available to future generations of scholars.
The interviews in these collections are of special interest to those seeking to understand the evolution of Iranian society and the reaction of Iranian policymakers to events in Iran. All of the interviews were done after the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and, therefore, during a period of intense reflection on that previous policy and its history. The preparation of the different oral history archives not only resulted in producing biographies which was a significant source for scholars but also it is the emergence of self-reflexivity and serious interplay of agency and structure in the Iranian society.

Overseas Iranian oral histories projects

The most of oral History Projects was launched outside Iran after the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The projects provide scholars studying mainly the contemporary political and economic history of Iran with primary source material consisting of personal accounts of individuals who either played major roles in important politico-economic events and decisions from the 1920s to the 1970s or witnessed these events from close range. For instance Harvard oral History of Iran has recorded the memoirs of 134 individuals mostly members of ruling strata. The collection embodies the most comprehensive chronicle of eye-witness reports of modern Iran by some of the key figures who defined her history.

The case of Iran Economic oral history

My introduction into the field of oral economic history came about quite by accident after meeting with Mr Ali Ladjevardi, a son of ex-leading businessmen during the Pahlavi era, in order to strengthen the backbone of my PhD thesis for publication. Based on his suggestion, I conducted the business of recording the narratives of ex-leading businessmen and their colleagues to this day. Regardless of several difficulties whether in form of suspicious to my intention or lack of funding, my only hope was that that the narratives would enlighten readers about my initiation into the world of oral economic history and activities of businessmen.
My oral interview with three elderly businessmen in California and two ex- economic authorities in London provided me with invaluable clues that enabled me to construct a sense of the economic community and atmosphere. Then with another interview I was able to locate documentary evidence to support the oral information that was provided by the Ex leading businessmen. That led me to organise some case studies for my future plans.
This experience taught me firsthand that not all history is recorded or preserved in written form, and that oral history has value. To rely entirely on written resources undeniably ignores the values and experiences of entire cultures whose histories “records” are based on oral tradition. (see also Darlene, 2002)
The significance of collecting economic oral history was that the majority of Iranian businessmen have always kept well out of the public eye and until now have been resistant to systematic academic study. Thus interaction between economic power and political policy has remained shrouded in secrecy. Collecting the names and their activities were difficult and the information was rare. (Bricault, 'Major Companies in Iran', Tehran 1979) as the revolutionary regime began to confiscate their property. Thus, it was clear that they tried to hide their economic activities. Using different consultation (such as Mr. Ali Ladjevardi), I have contacted or identified 90 ex-leading businessmen as potential willing interviewees. But this remarkable opportunity to undertake an important and innovative pace of research needed their contribution.
Although the Shah's socio-economic policies have been discussed in a number of works (e.g. Banani 1961; Baldwin 1967; Ashraf 1970; Zonis 1971; Halliday 1979; Abrahamian 1981; Katouzian 1981; Karshenas 1990; and Ashraf and Bauazzizi 1992), the subject of businessmen in politics in Iran has received very little detailed attention, mainly because, unlike politicians, bureaucrats and clergy they do not write their memoirs, and the very nature of their work leaves little in the way of archival material.
The Pahlavi state is depicted as one that protected the development of capitalism without being directly responsive to Iranian business influence, yet business provided one of Muhammahd Reza Shah's (1941-1979) main bases of support. Several questions should be answered in order to understand how far were businessmen able to influence the Shah's politico-economic policies? This overarching issue begs further questions on such matters as business support and resentment of a system which protected its interests but was based on personal power, which excluded it from central decision making; the effect of capital movement as epitomised by such events as the land reform in 1962 and the rise in oil revenues in 1973; the role of the Chamber of Commerce in negotiating with the regime, particularly in view of the conflict between businessmen in the traditional sector and the industrialists; the role of modern industrialists in the 1970s in the Chamber vis-à-vis state intervention, a matter of controversy; business views of import substitution policies; business relations with financial organisations, and the state licensing system; business reaction to inflation and the anti-profiteering campaign in 1975. Finally, were business initiatives and political ambitions suppressed by the Shah? The implications of social, religious and ethnic origins as well as broad occupations and their influence on their role in economic expansion was the prior intention to research.

Methodology of Iranian oral histories projects

The primary aim of most oral histories projects have been to record recollections of politicians, intellectuals, political activists, members of ruling class, clergies and businessmen’s own experiences, observations, attitudes, actions, and reactions, as a resource for the study of the politico-economic development of Iran in the period in question. The interviews were recorded, transcribed, verified, retyped, translated, and indexed, in English. Here, accuracy is perhaps the central goal of editing oral history transcripts for deposit in archives. The social relations of the interview, the politics of the narrator's and interviewer's individual lives, and the interplay between memory and accepted history all mediate the meaning that is produced in oral history transcripts. (Wilmsen, 2001)
As are all oral history interviews, those conducted for deposit in archives are social interactions. They are substantially more than an exchange of information in a conversation between two or more people. They are carefully staged communicative events, which follow specific protocols for the purpose of eventually communicating through some use of print or audio/visual media to a wider, undetermined audience. Indeed, the protocols of oral history transform a personal exchange between the interviewer and narrator into a public statement. This is accomplished first through the knowledge that the interview will be converted into some kind of publicly accessible communicative device, be it a book, transcript, public broadcast, or tape. Second, in many published oral histories interviewers edit themselves out of the text, preparing a seamless flow of narrative with the appearance that the narrator is speaking directly to the reader (or viewer/listener in the case of broadcast media). This creates the fiction that the narrator would have related his or her story to anyone in the same manner and secures the transformation of the oral history into a public statement. (Portelli, 1997)
More specifically speaking, Iranian oral histories projects attempt to provide some kinds of data, that is to say, a picture of the way the politico-economics system actually functioned during the Pahlavi period, how the economic policy were formulated and implemented, the relationship of the narrators with the political system and their place in the society, and their relationship and contribution to the Shah. (Ladjevardi, 1985, p 96).

The general index of interviews enabled the researchers to locate the material they seek quickly and efficiently. Tapes and transcripts of memoirs were made available to scholars at the library. The material was of invaluable use to researchers on politico-economic development in Iran and other developing countries for comparison. It provided information on the role of business interest in economic policy, and the modern history, politics and geography of Iran. We also intended subsequently to produce a monograph using the material to provide an entirely new evaluation of politico-economic development in Iran during 1941-79.

Research imperatives and context

The role of the interviewer in this project was to develop its themes and ensure it meets its objectives through her expertise in modern Iranian history and politics. The interviewees were divided into groups according to sectors and the project was organised in four main periods 1940-1963; 1963-1969; 1970-1974; 1974-1979 reflecting the politico- economic developments of the time. The project looked at the periods successively, giving each major theme. Throughout advice was sought through a consultative panel who discussed the implications of the material for existing knowledge of Pahlavi politico-economic policy, considered it within the framework of that expertise and advice on how themes might be developed.

Interviewing technique

The methodology of the economic oral history was based on the collection of life histories of ex-leading businessmen through interview. They were invited to present their own biographies and to stress those aspects of their economic lives that they considered significant in two stages: a) unstructured and impromptu, allowing the opportunity to present a sketch of their role in the history of the period; b) through specific questions covering the major economic events and decisions in which they had a role. Where possible, repeat interviews were undertaken over several weeks in order to enhance the sense of trust between interviewer and interviewee. This will also enable material discussed in one interview to be developed further at a later stage, should this prove to be necessary.

In order to make the material useful for scholars dealing with related subjects, the narrators were asked to offer greater details about their role, and their relationships with the government, the court, the Majlis ( parliament), the financial authorities and political parties as an individual and as a group in a variety of contexts. Here, we did not seek the opinion of the narrators regarding these individuals; rather our interest was focused on their recollections relating to specific meetings, political events, and conversations. When an opinion was given, the narrators were asked to cite actual examples of incidents that they personally, observed which lend support to their assertions, and to specify whether their testimony was based on first hand observation or on second-hand sources.
In any oral history project a number of precautions should be taken to deal with the possibility of increasing the objectivity of narratives. One is the existence of an advisory board that should belong to the Iranian society with special academic interest. The second is the formal agreement. In the Iranian oral history outside the country, it increased the maximum cooperation among the narrators as well as option of specifying a period of time for disclosure of transcripts and requirement for anonymity.
The role of the interviewer is very significant to help and stimulate the narrators to express feeling, attitudes, views and opinions. They have to be immersed in the subject of oral history, and be familiar with the context of narratives and the previously recorded testimonies.
Self reflexivity among narratives
The biographies is becoming a more and more pressing issue particularly in a less developed society when they are in process of detraditionalization and moving toward a modern society. People are increasingly aware of its importance. The main significance is to develop a more extensive and incisive public participation in the sense that issues raise by preparing biographies and auto biographies are often so reflexive as to practically include lay people into the discussion. At the same time, it seems that knowledge and values resulted from can no longer be separated.

The contribution of oral histories archives deserve more sociological attention than they have received up to now, as evidenced by their almost complete absence from sociological literature. However, the sense of self reflexivity associated with biographies assists to work on theoretical framework. (Ulrich Beck 1992a, 1992b, 1995, 1996 and Anthony Giddens 1990, 1991, 1994),

Biographies provide the space and areas that the individuals have to be highly reflexive, and must construct his/her own 'biography'. This means that the new individualism that is rapidly spreading today has less to do with egoism and more with reflexivity, with the fact that we have passed from 'simple' to 'reflexive' forms of modernization (Giddens, 1994a; 1994b cited in Mouzleis, 2001, p 21).
These oral collections led to a truly a self-critique of narrators and a self assessment of their capabilities and realities which leave valuable lessons for future generations. This also raised the Self-reflexivity in which can be identified as a key skill for narrators as well as readers to develop awareness of the predicaments. (Zamora, 2002) By emphasizing on the Iranian oral collection, it can be pointed out that self-reflexivity is possible and desirable. This is especially the case when we try to consider how our own political and historical context influences today’s work and life. (See for instance, Pratto, 2002).
What we see portrayed in most oral history projects particularly Iranian oral history at Harvard is not only so much a direct engagement with politics and economics, but also a form of serf-reflexivity that it seems the narrators are aware of the complexities of the present, past and the dominant social matrixes surrounding them. In other words, the collections present a self -reflexive analysis of the situatedness of the narrators. They critically examine self-reflexivity in relation to their work by drawing on their lived experiences as political and economic elite. It can be argued that such self-reflexivity allows for an openness which eliminates the apparent dichotomy of Self-Other and offers new spaces for re-presenting difference(s). In particular, they construct their narratives as a self-renewing site of activism and resistance to the society. In fact, in their narratives they have discussed self-reflexivity and agency in relation to the structures. The implications of their self-reflexivity can also be understood in terms of the development of the individual in the research process. The narratives are the suitable base to understand and situate the narrators in terms of integrity and agency. Self-reflexivity is an integral component of their narratives that guides the future research and writing.
The analysis of self reflexivity requires recognition of the temporal non-correspondence of structure and agency that is possible under the assumptions of structuration theory, that is to say, duality of agency and structure. (Giddens, 1979). The detraditionalizing process of late modernity captured by the term “reflexive modernization” that is to say “freeing” individuals, enabling them to create ”reflexive projects of the self”. Instead of self identity being “given” by social structure location, or traditional value systems, we are now able to construct it for ourselves from a range of available discursive resources (Beck et al., 1994: Giddens, 1991)
The development of biographies helps reflexivity and associated process of individualization. In addition, self-reflexivity has roots as the “reflexive monitoring of action”) Giddens, 1990, pp 36-7). The crucial theoretical development here is to see the agent - the self- as the objects of reflexivity, rather than the action produced by the agent. We can see how people reflexively understood by the person in terms of his or biography. Identity here still presumes continuity across time and space, but self-identity is such continuity as interpreted reflexivity by the agent. (Giddens, 1991, p 53)
Self reflexivity is a feature of modernity where the self become a reflexive project, while in traditional societies reflexivity is limited to interpreting and applying traditional values – an instance of the reflexive monitoring of action – but in modern societies the producer of action, the agent or the self, become the object of reflexivity. (Giddens, 1991)
From history to fiction
The period of construction of oral history for preparing biographies, i.e., the post-revolutionary period, was coincided with increasing various forms of publications on life-writing including court chronicles, travelogues, diaries, memoirs, and autobiographies. They could be placed on a continuum between history and fiction - in which court chronicle is placed on the boundary of historiography whereas autobiography is nearer to fiction.
Like oral history interview, autobiography is by and large a literary medium through which the self has, in the cultural milieu of evolving self-consciousness and self assertion, unfolded his/her innermost feelings and experiences. In the west, the development of "auto-bio-graphy" into a fictional literary genre in the West and the refocusing from bios to autos, have disclosed it up to literary criticism, whereas, other related forms of life-writing such as chronicle, travelogue, diary and memoir along with the "bios" of autobiography have remained valuable sources of historiography.
Persian memoir (khaterat), in the broad sense of the term, is by and large more of a narration of political and social events than a personal autobiography similar to those authored in the West since the rise of humanism in the course of 18th century enlightenment movement. Memoirs, particularly political memoirs, have been the most common form in the repertoire of Persian life-writing since the latter half of the 19th century. Indeed, nearly 95 percent of some 250 Persian memoirs in this period may be characterized by their focus on political, social, and cultural events, while no more than five percent are either diaries or autobiographies. Persian memoirs, therefore, are among indispensable sources of historiography and should properly be read within the context of their authors' specific historical circumstances. (Ashraf, 1996) However, some of oral history narratives sound near boundary of fiction on a continuum between history and fiction. Although they are narrations of political events, it gives way to explore the self reflexivity of author as well as reader.
Among the post-revolutionary memories of influential notables and statesmen in the Iranian modern history none of them has been written by so intimate a fiend and confidant of the sovereign as Asadollah Alam, the Shah’s closest aide and his Ministry of Court, who was a constant witness to the late Shah's daily political, social and private life in the heyday of his personal power and international fame. This court chronicle certainly has scant knowledge of the relevant factors in the decision-making process of the period or of the seminal social, economic and political developments for historian. What his memories brought us to focus is the crucial relevance of a wider base of political participation in the decision-making process to the survival of a progressive social-and economic order which, so disastrously succumbed to the winds of the revolution. (Alikhani, 1997)
In 'Alam diaries one is faced with the Shah's earnest desire for full-fledged modernization of the Iranian society. This desire is reflected in Alam's, occasionally incredulous references to Shah's determination to make the Iranian armed forces as formidable a force in the Middle East as possible, to speed up the implementation of Iran's economic development plan by increasing the country's control over the export, sale and marketing of its oil, and to expand Iran's industrial base and invest in its human resources. (Elahi, 1996)
Ideology and self-reflexivity
Unlike the essence of self-reflexivity and individualization in the most current memories, the prominent members of the Tudeh Party, as the single most powerful and active Marxist political organization in Iran in the 1940's and early 1950's tend to underline the dominant attitudes that characterize the Iranian intellectual discourse which is devoid of any agonizing reappraisals, and still marked by a palpable fascination with ideological dogma. In terms of style, none of these memoirs contain any passages or entries dealing with their author’s inner emotional experiences or personal conflicts. There is a total absence of the assertive individualistic "self." The world is still seen through the eyes of the collective "we", the "party." The vision is still parochial, seasonal and historically-specific. It is still "they" versus "us", "friends" against "enemies." Nevertheless, they shed some light not only on the structure and functions of the party itself, but on the internal and external political factors that had considerable impact on Iran's social and political scene. (Meskoob, 1996) It seems that the "self", the person of the writer, like the memoirs written in the Islamic period, remains unobtrusive and are not directly described or revealed to the reader. (Ashraf, 1997)
Women and emancipation of the self
The efforts of writing autobiography could not find among Iranians women. Until recently, it has been the logical literary extensions of a culture that creates, expects, and values a certain separation between the inner and the outer, the private and the public among them. They who have been deliberately kept away from the arena of public life and discourse have had a still more restrained relation to public self-representation. The emergence of women's autobiographies, in Iran, however, limited in number, constitute a highly heterogeneous body of works. Although the overwhelming majority of them follow in their delineation of relationships a conventional pattern and they are ambivalent about self-exposure and self-attention, still the choice of an autobiographical format attests to the singularity of the enterprise. It bears the individual and individualized imprint of a female voice. By textualizing personal experience, by saying "I" in a written and public text, this choice shows a reverence for and fascination with the individual. It bespeaks the development of a literature of a woman-self in which woman becomes both the object and the subject of scrutiny. It testifies to a search by women for autonomy and public self-expression. (Millani, 1996)
Oral history for preparing biography
Memories produces by the oral histories have affected on the people’s ideas and their way of looking to life history through this memories as they covered a various influential personality from former chiefs of the State Intelligence and Security Organization (SAVAK), head of tribes, top economic authorities to the high ranking clergies.
The transcript of Ali Amini’s narratives, prime minister of Iran from 1961 to 1962, one of turning point in the contemporary and controversial history of Iran, and key figure of the 1953 agreement with the consortium of oil companies who supported by U.S.
Shapour Bakhtiar’s narratives, last prime minister of the old regime who fled to France and lived in a suburb of Paris where he formed and led the National Resistance Movement of Iran, opposed to the Islamic Republic and finally was murdered in his home.
As the director of the Plan and Budget Organization during the last five years of the Shahs rule, Abdolmadjid Madjidi was one of the more significant ministers in the cabinet of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. His position which put him in daily contact with the prime minister enabled him to have frequent audiences with the Shah, and gave him a wide perspective and awareness of the political, economic and social events of Iran. His recollections of the period offer us a unique perspective to events and decisions that led to the downfall of the monarchy.
Spending years in exile, give his narrative a sense of fiction throughout, particularly when he narrated that I thought Mossadegh, was doing the right thing and moving in the right direction, however, if Mossadegh had adopted a more long-term perspective in relation to the Shah, our country would not have fallen into its present predicament. However, there so many incidents that show the dark side of the oral history in the sense that influential person avoid giving the experience of their life particularly their relation with the Shah and the royal family. It was the case when one of influential Prime Minister, Shaif-Emami told the interviewer, Habib Ladjevardi that "I'm not going to discuss personal matters relating to the Shah or his sister." (Harvard Oral History, online material)
The history of educational places, particularly those shaping intellectual elite has got much attention by educational historians. In Iran two key places should pay more attention in the pre and post-revolutionary periods: Alborz High School, a premier secondary school for boys and Alavi high School respectively. Their significant can compares with that of Eton in England and Phillips Academy Andover in the United States. For almost thirty-five years, the Alborz name was synonymous with the name of Mohammad-Ali Modjtahedi, the legendary principal who headed the school from 1944 until the Islamic Revolution in 1979. His narrations prepared a self-reflexivity among those educated under his supervision, some of whom were in high ranking position in politics; corporations and the government, now are spread far and wide, in Iran and across the globe, and remind them his unshakable devotion to excellence, which he demanded of himself and of them, and to their welfare, which he guarded even at risk to himself.
Biographies and unveiled seminaries circles
The high ranking clergies (ulama) rarely publish their life history. However, a few publications assist outside world of seminaries to understand the secret of religious world. Mehdi Hairi-Yazdi‘s life story is one of the them. He, who grew up in a pious family that was at the pinnacle of the religious hierarchy in Iran, enables him to become intimately acquainted with Iran's leading clergy. As an adult, he was a noted theologian, philosopher and teacher. Among Iran's scholars, Hairi-Yazdi was one of the few who combined a rigorous study of Islam and Western philosophy. He was also a participant in many historical events, making his memoirs an important primary source for the study of contemporary Iranian history form a high ranking point of view.
The living in the city of Qom, Iran's major religious center, being son of the founder of the Qom Seminary, where nearly all of Iran's leading clergy studied-many as his students there, closely work with some of Iran's most powerful ayatollahs (high rank clergies and source of emulation in the Shiite sect of Islam). Some of his narrations clearly show that he emancipated him-Self from the secrets world of seminaries in order to express his idea by saying that "I said to myself, if we want to become familiar with the fundamentals of Western thought, we must temporarily put aside our own methodology and start from scratch." (Iran oral History at Harvard, online). However, the publication of these inside life of clergies waited so long for his confirmation. Consequently, he published the softened tone of the latter, and it is this version that we have published as part of the Harvard Iranian Oral History Series.